“The Last Confession: The Truth about the Iraqi Nuclear Program”

By Dr Jafar Dhia Jafar and Dr Numan Al-Niami

In Arabic, Published by the Centre for Arab Unity Studies, Beirut, Lebanon, April, 2005

(The English title is stated as: Iraqi Weapons Mass Destruction (WMD): Fact and Fiction)

 

 

(Page 306)

 

Earlier Denials – Followed by a Later Confession: Playing both sides of the coin

 

Dr Mahdi Al-Obaidi, the person in charge of the centrifugal enrichment process, had declared repeatedly that he had submitted the drawings [for G1, G2 and G3 centrifugal separators purchased from German scientists in 1989 at a cost of one million US dollars] to the Special Republican Guards in May, 1991 according to the orders of Hussain Kamil. If we were to believe this version of what happened to these documents, then they should have been part of the documents [in the chicken farm] that were handed over in total to the IAEA in August 1995 after the escape of Hussain Kamil to Jordan. However, the IAEA insisted that these drawings were not part of what was handed over to them at that time.

 

Since 1995, several orders were issued by the Presidential Palace to all former employees of the previous wmd programs to hand in all documents, drawings and experimental data that had still remained in their possession to the National Monitoring Office in order to deliver them to the IAEA inspectors. Mahdi Al-Obaidi consistently declared to the Iraqi officials that he has no knowledge of the missing documents and repeatedly signed all of the declarations that attested that fact. He was interviewed by the IAEA inspectors in March 2003 when he still insisted that he was not in possession of these documents and did not know what happened to them.

 

However, in June of 2003, and after the fall of Saddam, Mahdi Al-Obaidi contacted the CIA agents in Iraq and handed them 180 documents and 200 design drawings that he had hidden in his garden, claiming that his hiding of them was on the orders of Qusai Saddam Hussain and from Hussain Kamil in 1991, both of whom were dead by then and there is no way to verify his claim.

 

As nobody else had received such instructions, including the two authors of this book (who were responsible for the major and more sophisticated aspects of the former nuclear weapon program and whom one would assume, if Mahdi Al-Obaidi’s claim is truthful, to have received similar orders from Qusai or Hussain Kamil as they were in closer official proximity to them than Mahdi Al-Obaidi), we can only surmise that Mahdi Al-Obaidi’s claim is a lie, and that he probably had hidden these documents in his garden in order to garner favors from his superiors in case Saddam would decide to rejuvenate the nuclear program at a later date and they would then only find Mahdi Al-Obaidi who would still be holding such technical details. And as that eventuality did not materialize, he grasped a more precious bounty (according to his inclinations) as he settled along with his family in the US after delivering these documents to the CIA.

 

If Mahdi Al-Obaid was truthful in his claim to have received orders from Qusai and Hussain Kamil in 1991, then he has violated the several other orders issued by Saddam Hussain himself since 1995 to deliver all such documents to the IAEA via the National Monitoring Office in Iraq.  Whose orders take precedence? Hussain Kamel’s orders of 1991 or Saddam Hussain’s in 1995?

 

We had always trusted what Mahdi Al-Obaidi had told us, and we had often asked him to add his signature to the letters and reports that we submitted to the IAEA. By this action of his, and his lying, he has betrayed the trust of his colleagues; and he has caused a great harm to Iraq by this conduct of his, especially while realizing that the absence of these documents was a main source of contention with the IAEA for many years as they insisted that its resolution was still pending. 

 

[The absence of these particular documents was one of the last few minor points that the IAEA had clung to, since 1995, in refusing to clear Iraq of its possession or rejuvenation of its prior wmd programs, and hence their ‘absence’ had contributed to the prolonging of the UN imposed economic sanctions on Iraq and the devastating toll it took on the lives of the Iraqi people]